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Stories about Labor and Economics.
When the coup was looking inevitable, Morales had gone underground. Days after Morales and Linera arrived in El Trópico, Mexico’s left-wing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador sent a plane to rescue them, flying them out of Chimoré airport again. Obrador later said that the Bolivian armed forces targeted the aircraft with an RPG rocket moments after it took off. It appears the U.K.-backed coup regime wanted the deposed president – who had served for 13 years – dead. Morales then brings up the Russian invasion of Ukraine. “I feel that it is time now, seeing the problems between Russia and Ukraine … to do an international campaign, globally, first to explain that NATO is — ultimately — the United States.” He adds: “Better still a campaign orientated around how to eliminate NATO. NATO is not a guarantee for humanity or for life. I do not accept — in fact, I condemn — how they can exclude Russia from the U.N. Human Rights Council. When the U.S.
In the 1930s, a new type of union, an “industrial” union that welcomed all workers in a single workplace emerged as the cutting edge of working-class struggle. Previously, unions and employers both had a long history of racism and support for white supremacy. Certain jobs were reserved for whites, and Black workers were kept out of factories and union halls. This had catastrophic consequences. For example, in the 1919 Steel Strike, employers brought in 30,000 Black and immigrant workers to break the strike staged by white workers and their racially exclusive unions. With that, employers got production moving again, defeated the strike, and prevented worker organizing for the next 15 years.
The Taft-Hartley Act was the centerpiece of big business’s counterattack against a labor and people’s movement that had, over the previous decade, won major improvements for working people on factory floors and in the halls of Congress. From 1936 through World War II, the new industrial unions of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) — UE, the United Auto Workers, the United Steelworkers, and dozens of smaller unions — had successfully organized the mass-production industries that dominated U.S. economy at the time.
Announces a new initiative, LEPAIO (Labor Education Project on AFL-CIO International Operations), to challenge the AFL-CIO's foreign policy.
A newly published report has found that the “advanced economies” of the global North rely much more intensively on appropriation of resources and labour from the global South than previous studies have suggested.
Besides giving an in-depth review of the literature, this looks at the developments in the past 10 years, many which solidify earlier claims. Chastises Historians for basically ignoring this work, and saying it's time for them to break out of the confines of their discipline to help further develop the field of critical labor foreign policy studies.
Review of No Bosses: A New Economy for a Better World, by Michael Albert (Zero Books, 2021)
Policies favourable to fossil fuel companies have extracted our common wealth – our air, forests, land… – and put it in the hands of a small minority. Green policies are therefore bound to be redistributive at a time when inequality is soaring. One of the measures proposed to reduce the regressivity of carbon prices is redistributing tax revenues in favour of low and middle income earners. But, as anthropologist Jason Hickel reminds us, “Anything short of a binding cap on fossil fuel extraction, with declining annual targets that will wind down the industry to zero, is just hand-waving.”
The current political era is best understood as a “great recoil” of economic globalization. It is a moment when the coordinates of historical development seem to be inverting, upsetting many of the assumptions that dominated politics and economics over the last decades. This moment corresponds to the “second movement” socialist economic historian Karl Polanyi described in his book , when phases of capitalist expansion recede and are met by “societal responses.”